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Linguistic Inquiry

Summer 2000, Vol. 31, No. 3, Pages 485-512
(doi: 10.1162/002438900554415)
© 2000 Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Strengthening PF
Article PDF (123.98 KB)

One standard assumption of the Minimalist Program is that formal (grammatical) features are the only features that trigger the “dislocation” property of CHL. On the basis of two syntactically related properties of Fɔ̀ngbé nonfinite clauses—object shift and verb doubling—I argue that pure phonological features can be overtly attracted. Three consequences follow: (a) the operation Attract F cannot be reduced to Agree, (b) the concept of strength is inescapable, and (c) some of the effects of strength are PF-driven properties, hence not true imperfections.