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Linguistic Inquiry

Winter 1999, Vol. 30, No. 1, Pages 69-96
(doi: 10.1162/002438999553968)
© 1999 Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Movement and Control
Article PDF (178.61 KB)
Abstract

Since the earliest days of generative grammar, control has been distinguished from raising: the latter the product of movement operations, the former the result of construal processes relating a PRO to an antecedent. This article argues that obligatory control structures are also formed by movement. Minimalism makes this approach viable by removing D-Structure as a grammatical level. Implementing the suggestion, however, requires eliminating the last vestiges of D-Structure still extant in Chomsky's (1995) version of the Minimalist Program. In particular, it requires dispensing with the θ-Criterion and adopting the view that θ-roles are featurelike in being able to license movement.