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On the Autonomy of Early Syntactic Processes In Auditory Sentence Comprehension

 Anja Hahne and Angela D. Friederici
  
 

Abstract:

We investigated the time course and possible interactions of semantic and syntactic processes in language comprehension using event-related brain potentials. Previous studies had frequently shown an early left anterior negativity (ELAN) and a late parietal positivity (P600) in correlation with phrase structure violations whereas semantic integration processes are correlated with a N400. The aim of the present study was to find out whether or how these different processes might interact.

Four types of sentences were presented auditorily. The sentences ended with a target word that was either (a) correct, (b) semantically incorrect, i.e. violating the selectional restriction of the verb, (c) syntactically incorrect, i.e. violating the phrase structure, or (d) semantically and syntactically incorrect, i.e. violating both the selectional restriction and the phrase structure. In the first experiment subjects were asked to judge the overall correctness of each sentence. The ERP- results with regard to conditions (b) and (c) replicated earlier results: we observed a N400 for semantic violations and an ELAN component followed by a P600 for phrase structure violations. The combined violation (d), however, elicited the same result pattern as the pure syntactic condition, i.e. ELAN and P600. Interestingly, there was no N400 despite the clear selectional restriction error. This indicates that the semantic integration of a word in a sentence may only be initiated in case of a successful prior integration of the element into the phrase structure of the sentence.

In a second experiment we presented the same sentences but changed the instruction to the subjects. In this experiment they were asked to judge exclusively the semantic coherence of each sentence thereby ignoring syntactic aspects of the sentence. That is, participants had to classify semantically correct sentences containing only a phrase structure error as being correct. The ERP-results were clear-cut: even when focussing on semantic aspects of the sentence an ELAN component was elicited in the pure syntactic violation condition (c) as well as in the combined semantic-syntactic violation condition (d). This illustrates the highly autonomous character of first-pass parsing processes. Interestingly, under the semantic coherence instruction there was no P600 for phrase structure violations which suggests that the processes reflected in this component are of a fairly controlled nature. A further important result of this experiment was that, in contrast to Experiment 1, a N400 component was elicited also in the combined violation condition (d). The fact that the N400 was dependent on the instruction suggests that the processes underlying this component are also under the participants' strategic control.

 
 


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