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Effects of Prosodic Phrasing On the Resolution of Within-category Lexical Ambiguity

 Amy J. Schafer and Shari Speer
  
 

Abstract:

Although recent psycholinguistic work has found effects of prosodic phrasing on the resolution of syntactic ambiguities, it has generally been thought that prosody does not influence lexical disambiguation, particularly in early stages of processing. Three experiments explore the effects of two levels of prosodic phrasing, the intonational phrase (IPh), and phonological phrase (PPh), on the resolution of within-category lexical ambiguity, and demonstrate that prosodic phrasing has early influences on semantic interpretation.

In Experiment 1, strongly-biased polysemous words (glasses) were presented in semantically neutral sentence-initial clauses (Although the glasses were ugly...), followed by either an IPh or PPh boundary. A second clause resolved the ambiguity (...they held a lot of juice). End-of-sentence "makes-sense" judgment times did not differ significantly between the two prosodies for continuations instantiating the dominant meaning of the polysemous word. However, reanalysis to the subordinate meaning took longer following IPh than PPh boundaries, suggesting that more extensive interpretive processing had taken place following the higher-level boundary.

In Experiment 2, strongly-biased polysemous words (calf) were presented in clauses weakly biased toward their subordinate interpretation (Because his calf is injured badly...), followed by an IPh or PPh boundary. Semantic associates of either the dominant or subordinate meaning of the polysemous word (COW/LEG) were visually presented immediately after the prosodic boundary. Following IPhs, but not PPhs, semantic associates of the subordinate meaning of the polysemous word were named faster than dominant-associated targets, demonstrating an immediate effect of the level of prosodic boundary on semantic interpretation.

IPh boundaries have longer durations than their PPh counterparts, so the priming found in Experiment 2 may have been due in part to the relatively longer processing time available for contexts followed by IPh boundaries. To test this possibility, Experiment 3 employed materials identical to those in Experiment 2, except that the naturally-produced IPh/PPh fragment pairs were digitally altered to match in duration. Preliminary results replicate those for Experiment 2.

Phonological, phonetic, and RT analyses for each experiment are presented to argue that the processing effects cannot be explained solely on the basis of durational differences, but instead depend on the phonological contrast between IPh and PPh boundaries. The results demonstrate that semantic processing, and the use and availability of contextual information, is influenced by prosodic structure. We claim that the human sentence processor builds a prosodic representation in early stages of comprehension and is guided by it at phonological, syntactic, and semantic levels of interpretation.

 
 


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