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Effects of Memory Load In Sentence Processing

 Rienk G. Withaar and Laurie A. Stowe
  
 

Abstract:

In this study, it was investigated whether different types of working memory are used during normal sentence processing and how they relate to each other. We orthogonally manipulated sentential complexity (subject vs. object relative constructions) and phonological complexity (similar vs. dissimilar) in a self paced grammaticality judgement experiment. Examples of phonologically similar subject and object relatives are shown in (1a) and (1b) respectively.

(1a) Ik denk dat de chauffeur die de monteurs keurt, vaak zeurt. lit.: I think that the driver that the mechanics judges-sg., often complains.

(1b) Ik denk dat de chauffeur die de monteurs keuren, vaak zeurt. lit.: I think that the driver that the mechanics judge-pl., often complains.

To assess potential capacity differences, two memory spans were collected: the Dutch version of the Daneman and Carpenter Reading Span and a non-word span. The first span measure taps both processing and storage capacity, whereas the non-word span reflects phonological store capacity.

Like Just and Carpenter (1992), we found that object relatives were more demanding to memory than subject relatives, yielding more errors and slower reading times on the embedded verb. This effect was stronger in Daneman and Carpenter low spanners than in high spanners. After the embedded verb, high spanners showed an interaction of similarity by complexity. Similar sentences yielded slower reading times in the complex, but not in the simple condition. Low spanners showed no significant similarity effects. Non-word span did not correlate with syntactic or phonological complexity.

The fact that high spanners are slowed down by similarity in the complex condition supports the claim that syntactic reanalysis takes place partly on the basis of a phonological representation (Baddeley, Vallar and Wilson, 1987), since similarity is known to burden phonological storage (Gathercole and Baddeley, 1993). Crucially, no similarity effects were found in the simpler subject relatives. Hence, the phonological representation does not seem to be used in first pass analysis, but serves as a back up in reanalysis (Waters, Caplan and Hildebrandt, 1991). This interaction was not found in low spanners, probably because they have no resources available for maintenance or access of the phonological information.

Baddeley, A., Vallar, G. and Wilson, B. (1987). "Sentence comprehension and phonological memory: some neuropsychological evidence." In: Coltheart, M. (ed.). Attention and Performance XII: The Psychology of Reading. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Hove and London (UK); Hillsdale, N.J. (USA), 509--529.

Gathercole, S.E. and Baddeley, A.D. (1993). Working Memory and Language. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Hove and London (UK); Hillsdale, N.J. (USA).

Just, M.A. and Carpenter, P.A. (1992). "A capacity theory of comprehension: individual differences in working memory." Psychological Review, 99(1), 122-49.

Waters, G., Caplan, D. and Hildebrandt, N. (1991). "On the structure of verbal short-term memory and its functional role in sentence comprehension: evidence from neuropsychology." Cognitive Neuropsychology, 8(2), 81-126.

 
 


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