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On the Processing of Preposed Word Order In English

 Jeffrey Loewenstein, Pablo Gomez and Ward Gregory
  
 

Abstract:

Previous accounts of preposing (a.k.a. 'topicalization') have argued that its felicitous use requires that the preposed element constitute a LINK between the current utterance and the prior discourse (Vallduvi 1992, Birner and Ward forthcoming; see also Prince 1981). One means of satisfying this requirement is for the link to stand in a partially-ordered set, or POSET, relation within the current discourse segment (Ward 1988), as illustrated in 1:

1a. Baseball's ok. Basketball I like a lot better. b. Baseball's ok. I like basketball a lot better.

Here, the link (basketball) and trigger (baseball) in (1a) are related to the inferred poset (sports) via a type/subtype relation. Preposing, unlike canonical word order (CWO), explicitly and conventionally marks the relevant constituent (basketball in (1)) as a poset-related link, thus serving as a pragmatic cue to sentence processing.

From Birner and Ward's account, it follows that even poset members implicitly related to the link (e.g. sports in 1a) should become more activated in memory with preposed links than with CWO links. To test this hypothesis, a recognition experiment was performed in which participants were shown sets of dialogs, as in 2:

2. A: I don't mind all the ants in the basement. B: Yeah, but the cockroaches I could definitely do without.

Dialogs were presented on a computer screen, with half of B's utterances in CWO and half in preposed word order. After a block of dialogs, participants were presented with either the link (cockroaches in (2)), the trigger (ants), the poset (insects), or some unrelated word (chair). Participants were asked if the presented word was one used in the dialogs, or not. The critical trials were those in which the word represented the poset, which participants should have identified as 'new'. The response time to such items is a function of how active they were in memory, as words that are highly activated should be slower to be identified as new (McKoon and Ratcliff 1986). Our results support Birner and Ward's account: Response times to posets inferred from preposed links were significantly longer (1330 ms) than response times to posets inferred from CWO (1221 ms); t(10) = 3.2158, p < .01. These results provide evidence for the crucial role of the link in the processing of preposing constructions. We are currently running a series of follow-up experiments designed to show that this effect is specific to the link of the preposing, and not a sentence-level effect of preposing in general.

Birner, B., and Ward, G. (1998). Information Status and Noncanonical Word Order in English. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. In press.

McKoon, G., and Ratcliff, R. (1986). "Inferences about predictable events." Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition 12, 82-91.

Prince, E. F. (1981). "Topicalization, Focus-Movement, and Yiddish-Movement: A pragmatic differentiation." Berkeley Linguistics Society 7, 249-264.

Vallduvi, E. (1992). The Informational Component. New York: Garland.

Ward, G. (1988). The Semantics and Pragmatics of Preposing. New York: Garland.

 
 


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