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Agreement checking in comprehension: Evidence from relative clauses

 Patricia L. Deevy
  
 

Abstract:
This poster provides evidence for the Structural Agreement Check (SAC), a detailed statement of the agreement checking process in comprehension. The SAC presupposes that features are checked on structure which has been built using structural parsing principles and majorcategory information (the "Structure Evaluation" hypothesis) (Deevy, 1999). Previous work on agreement comprehension has focused on the "local plural" effect in which the presence of a plural in a complex subject DP disrupts comprehension of (grammatical) singular agreement (in, e.g., the key to the cabinets was ...). Explanations assume that the singular nominal feature is underspecified (e.g., Pearlmutter, Garnsey, & Bock, 1995) and that the marked plural feature can migrate within the subject DP (Nicol, Forster, & Veres, 1997). Thus, when agreement is checked, it may appear that the plural feature is associated with the head noun.
The SAC builds on this work in adopting the assumptions of feature underspecification and movement. It goes further by stating that checking must be satisfied immediately once the verb is identified as bearing agreement features, and that agreement is enforced through checking the specification (or underspecification) of the links of the tree between subject and agreeing verb (Clifton, Frazier, & Deevy, 1999). The current study shows the need for both additional assumptions. A word-by-word self-paced reading study tested the processing of subject Relative Clauses (RCs) in which the verb must agree with one of two NPs in a complex DP. The auxiliary agreed exclusively with NP1 or with NP2 (1a-d), or it agreed with either NP (1e,f). It was assumed that the structural relation between RC and head may be underspecified (Frazier & Clifton, 1996); thus, at the point when agreement must be checked,the structure underlying the check may not be built.

1. John was excited to meet...
a. the nieceNP1 of the actorsNP2 [who was recently starring in a very successful play].
b. the niecesNP1 of the actorNP2 [who was recently starring in...
c. the niecesNP1 of the actorNP2 [who were recently starring in...
d. the nieceNP1 of the actorsNP2 [who were recently starring in...
e. the nieceNP1 of the actorNP2 [who was recently starring in...
f. the niecesNP1 of the actorsNP2 [who were recently starring in ...

Results show that reading slowed significantly in the plural NP2-singular verb condition (1a vs. 1b). This difficulty cannot receive the sameexplanation as the local plural effect; this would require NP1 attachment with accidental migration upward of the plural feature. However, systematic high attachment predicts checking difficulty in (1b) and (1d) relative to (1c), which was not observed. An account in terms of a systematic NP2 attachment and check is also ruled out because the plural conditions (1c, 1d) did not differ. It will be shown that agreement information may guide RC attachment and that the pattern is best accounted for in terms of feature markedness, immediacy of checking and enforcement of the check through feature passing. In addition, it will be suggested that apparent accidental feature migration can be explained in terms of the immediacy requirement and systematic feature passing.

References
Clifton, Jr., C., Frazier, L., & Deevy, P. (1999). Feature manipulation in sentence comprehension. In E. DiDomenico & M. DeVicenzi (Eds.), Rivisti di Linguistica.
Deevy, P. (1999). I>The Comprehension of English Subject-Verb Agreement. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Frazier, L., & Clifton, Jr., C. (1996). Construal. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Nicol, J. K., Forster, K. I., & Veres, C. (1997). Subject-verb agreement processes in sentence comprehension. Journal of Memory and Language, 36, 56-587.

 
 


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