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Case matching and relative clause attachment

 Barbara Hemforth, Lars Konieczny and Michael Walter
  
 

Abstract:
It has been argued that the preference to attach relative clauses high in German N1 N2 RC constructions is mainly due to a preference to attach the relative clause to a noun phrase whose case matches with that of the relative pronoun (e.g., Sauerland & Gibson, 1998). Most experiments published for German used complex NPs in subject position with a nominative marked head noun and subject relative clauses with a nominative marked relative pronoun. So this looks like a viable alternative to solutions proposed by, e.g., Hemforth, Konieczny, & Scheepers (in press). If no case matching principle can be applied, recency is assumed to determine the attachment preference, explaining why PPs in comparable constructions are preferentially attached low.

We conducted to questionnaire studies with materials like (1) to (4) with complex NPs either in subject position or in object position and with subject or object relative clauses.

(1) Der Sohn des Lehrers, der den Arzt besuchte, traf einen Freund.
"The son-NOM (of) the teacher-GEN who-NOM visited the doctor met a friend."

(2) Der Sohn des Lehrers, den der Arzt besuchte, traf einen Freund.
"The son-NOM (of ) the teacher-GEN who-ACC the doctor visited met a friend."

(3) Ein Freund traf den Sohn des Lehrers, der den Arzt besuchte.
"A friend met the son-ACC (of) the teacher-GEN who-NOM visited the doctor."

(4) Ein Freund traf den Sohn des Lehrers, den der Arzt besuchte.
"A friend met the son-ACC (of) the teacher-GEN who-ACC the doctor visited."

According to the case matching principle there should be a preference to attach the relative clause high in (1), where the head noun of the complex NP and the relative pronoun are nominative marked, and in (4) where both are accusative marked. Case matching does not apply in (2) or (3) where none of the potential hosts matches in case with the relative pronoun (the "low" NP is always genitive marked). Therefore the RCs should preferentially be attached low in these case.

The "syntactic/anaphoric-dualism" by Hemforth, Konieczny, and Scheepers predicts a preference for high attachment across the board for German NP1 NP2 Modifier-constructions whenever an anaphoric component plays a role in the attachment process -- and that is exactly what the questionnaire studies show.

 
 


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