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Linear versus hierarchical agreement feature processing in comprehension

 Neal J. Pearlmutter
  
 

Abstract:
Two experiments examined the mechanism underlying syntactic feature-tracking in comprehension. If features are handled by passing them along a hierarchically-organized structural tree, then structural distance should determine how much interference an intervening number-marked element creates. Thus in (1), painting(s) is structurally closer than house(s) to lamp and to was, so paintings should interfere more with subject-verb agreement computations than should houses. If instead a linear-string-based memory system handles syntactic features, then linear distance should determine degree of interference, and because houses is closer to the verb in (1), it should create more interference than paintings.

(1) The lamp near the painting(s) of the house(s) was damaged in the flood.

For Experiment 1, twenty stimuli like (1) were constructed, each with 4 versions created by varying the number of the second and third nouns (N2 and N3). The head noun was always singular, and the verb (always was) immediately followed N3. Sixty participants read the stimuli (word-by-word self-paced reading with comprehension questions) mixed with 90 fillers. At the verb and the following word combined (was damaged), an interaction was present, because the condition in which all nouns were singular was faster than the other three, indicating that an intervening plural either near the head noun or near the verb created interference (of comparable size).

Eberhard's (1997; Bock & Eberhard, 1993) proposal that the singular form is unmarked provides an explanation for this result: Because the head noun and verb were singular, even a relatively distant (but overtly marked) plural may have been able to interfere. Experiment 2 addressed this possibility by examining plural-head versions of (1). Twenty-four stimuli were created, like those in Experiment 1, except that the head noun was always plural, and the verb was always were. Sixty participants read the stimuli mixed with 72 fillers, including 12 items which had a singular head noun and verb (always was) but were otherwise identical in structure to the experimental stimuli. At the verb and the following word, plural N2 conditions were reliably faster than singular N2 conditions. There was no effect of N3 number and no interaction. The pattern across the experiments indicates that hierarchical distance between agreeing and interfering elements, rather than linear distance, determines the amount of interference; but that even relatively distant elements can interfere when the original number-specifying element and the agreement target are not strongly marked. This extends but is generally compatible with other findings from sentence production and comprehension, using the same or related constructions (e.g., Bock & Cutting, 1992; Nicol et al., 1997; Vigliocco & Nicol, 1997).

References

Bock, K., & Cutting, J. C. (1992). Regulating mental energy: Performance units in language production. Journal of Memory and Language, 31, 99-127.
Bock, K., & Eberhard, K. M. (1993). Meaning, sound and syntax in English number agreement. Language and Cognitive Processes, 8, 57-99.
Eberhard, K. M. (1997). The marked effect of number on subject-verb agreement. Journal of Memory and Language, 36, 147-164.
Nicol, J. L., Forster, K. I., & Veres, C. (1997). Subject-verb agreement processes in comprehension. Journal of Memory and Language, 36, 569-587.
Vigliocco, G., & Nicol, J. (1997). The role of syntactic tree structure in the construction of subject verb agreement. Manuscript.

 
 


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