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Case feature as a trigger for reanalysis

 Matthias Schlesewsky and Gisbert Fanselow
  
 

Abstract:
The recent discussion about the nature of reanalysis processes raised questions about the influence of syntactic features. The resolution of ambiguous wh-sentences in German is an especially illuminating example. In this language, we are able to solve an ambiguity induced by a Case ambiguous wh- phrase either via number agreement with the sentence internal verb (1c) or via Case marking of a second DP (1a/b).

In a number of experiments one can find a reliable reanalysis effect, if the initial assignment of a case feature is rejected on the basis of number information. On the other hand, all studies show a non-homogeneous pattern with respect to reanalysis if the ambiguity is solved via the second DP (Meng, 1998; Schlesewsky et al., 1998).

There are different explanations for the non-existence of visible reanalysis effects on the second DP (diagnosis model by Fodor & Inoue, mismatch principle by Bader & Meng). All of those theories have one thing in common: the assumption that there is a reanalysis effect at the second DP but that this effect is weak, and therefore hard to detect. In this paper we will challenge this assumption.

In the first part of this paper we will present a number of studies that show a clearly detectable reanalysis effect induced by Case mismatch on the second DP. On the basis of these data we argue that the undetectability of a reanalysis effect in sentences like (1a) is a consequence of the linear order of the verb and its arguments. In the second part we will present some grammaticality judgment data. In contrast to the sentences in (1), we used ungrammatical sentences and extended the design by replacing the full second DP by a personal pronoun (2).

The data show that subjects judge double nominative ungrammaticalities at chance level if the second argument is realized as a full DP. In double accusative constructions or in double nominative ones that include a pronoun in the second argument position the accuracy of correct responses is higher at 80 %.

To explain this pattern, we concluded that the undetectability of reanalysis in sentences like (1b) is a consequence of the formal feature of the second DP and of the linear order (distance) between both arguments and the verb. We assumed that the data support the idea of a so-called "expectation-driven" non-syntactic influence in human parsing.

 
 


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