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On-line comprehension of wh-questions in discourse

 Lewis P. Shapiro, Elizabeth Oster, Rachel Garcia, Andrea Massey and Cynthia Thompson
  
 

Abstract:
We describe two on-line experiments that extend the investigation of long-distance dependencies by examining the processing of two different types of wh- questions: questions headed by who or what (e.g., The soldier is pushing the unruly student violently into the street. Who [1] is the soldier [2] pushing ____ [3] violently [4] into the street?), and questions headed by which- NP (e.g., The soldier is pushing the unruly student violently into the street. Which student [1] is the soldier [2] pushing ____[3] violently [4] into the street?). These two types of wh- questions can be distinguished on linguistic grounds. For example, which phrases are considered referential (i.e., they include participants taking part in the event described, e.g., "student") while who and what questions are considered non-referential. Related to their referentiality, which phrases pick out an individual from a set of individuals explicitly mentioned or inferred from the discourse and are therefore considered discourse-linked (D-linked), whereas who and what phrases do not have to be. We summarize these differences and examine their implications for sentence processing.

For each experiment, normal listeners (15 subjects each) were randomly assigned to one of each of four probe positions (between-subjects). A cross-modal priming task was used, whereby lexical probes either related or unrelated (control) were presented visually (within-subjects). Results are shown in the tables below:

We found that for who-what questions an antecedent mentioned in a previous sentence (e.g., "student") was activated at the wh- word (probe position 1), then re-activated at the wh-gap (position 3). For which- NP questions, we also found activation for the antecedent at the which- NP, but found unambiguous evidence for gap-filling only several hundred milliseconds downstream from the gap (position 4). We interpret our data in terms of a sentence processing account that integrates discourse representations into putatively automatic operations of the parser. Specifically, we suggest that which- NP questions that require contact with the discourse subsume greater processing load, thus delaying gap-filling. Our results are buttressed by data from normal adults (e.g., Shapiro & Hestvik, 1995) and children (e.g., Avrutin, 1999), and from aphasic patients (e.g., De Vincenzi, 1996; Hickok & Avrutin, 1995).

References

Avrutin, S. (1999). Comprehension of discourse-linked and non-discourse-linked questions by children and Broca's aphasics. Paper submitted for publication.
De Vincenzi, M. (1996). Syntactic analysis in sentence comprehension: Effects of dependency types and grammatical constraints. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research, 25, 117-133.
Hickok, G., & Avrutin, S. (1995). Representation, referentiality, and processing in agrammatic comprehension: Two case studies. Brain and Language 50, 10-26.
Shapiro, L. P., & Hestvik, A. (1995). On-line comprehension of VP-ellipsis: Syntactic reconstruction and semantic influence. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research, 24, 517-532.

 
 


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