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A priming study of structural accessibility and coreference processing

 Kathleen Straub and William Badecker
  
 

Abstract:
The means by which the structure-based constraints of Binding Theory interact with other information sources in the interpretation of referentially dependent expressions has been characterized in two conflicting ways. Nicol and Swinney (1989) have argued from selective associate priming results that the Binding Principles function as an initial filter on all content-based processing. On this account, a syntactically inaccessible phrase should be invisible to mechanisms that identify, evaluate and select candidate antecedents. In contrast, Badecker and Straub (1998) have argued, based on results from word-by-word self-paced reading studies, that very early evaluation processes can have access to candidates that are excluded by Binding Theory principles. They argue that associate priming provides an incomplete picture of the early evaluation process, and that if a more direct means of probing candidate activation were employed, then one should observe evidence for activation of both accessible and inaccessible candidates.

This paper presents data from three cross-modal probe-recognition experiments which support this claim. In one experiment, probe names are presented either immediately at the off-set of a pronoun, or 500 ms following the pronoun. At the early probe position, both accessible and inaccessible candidate names were facilitated in comparison to a no-pronoun control; while at the later probe position, response times to the two probes diverged: the probe for the inaccessible candidate showed inhibition while the probe corresponding to the accessible candidate continued to show facilitation. A similar priming pattern was observed for contexts with reflexive anaphors in the second and third experiments presented here. Four probe points were examined. When the onset of probe presentation was at the identification point of the reflexive (i.e., at the second vowel in the reflexive), no effect was observed in comparison to the no-anaphor control. However, when probe onset occurred 500 ms after the off-set of the anaphor, then facilitation for accessible candidate probes and inhibition for inaccessible candidate probes was observed. Evidence of facilitation for both the accessible and inaccessible candidate probes was observed at two intermediate probe points. These data support the view that at the onset of coreference calculation, evaluation processes may have access to antecedent candidates which will subsequently be excluded as candidates on the basis of the structure-based principles of Binding Theory.

References

Badecker, W., & Straub, K. (1998). The processing role of structural constraints on the interpretation of pronouns and anaphors. Manuscript, Johns Hopkins University.
Nicol, J., & Swinney, D. (1989). The role of structure in coreference assignment during sentence comprehension. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research, 18, 5-19.

 
 


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