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Word frequency effects on the processing of subject-verb number agreement

 Jason Barker and Janet Nicol
  
 

Abstract:
Research on subject-verb number agreement has revealed that speakers occasionally make errors (1) (Bock & Miller, 1991), and readers encounter processing difficulty (2) (Nicol et. al., 1997), when a singular subject is followed by a plural "distractor" noun.

(1) The key to the cabinets... WERE missing.

(2) The key to the cabinets was missing.

Eberhard (1997) has characterized these errors within an activation framework (Note 1). The agreement mechanism checks for the existence of an activated plural feature on the head noun: if no feature is found, the verb is specified as singular by default. If one is found, the verb is specified as plural. Errors (or processing difficulties) occur because an activated plural feature on the distractor noun creates noise in the system, allowing the mechanism to possibly misinterpret the head noun's number. Within this account then, the amount of noise created should be related to the activation level of the interfering plural feature. And activation levels should be related to the relative frequency with which a noun appears in its plural form. For example, 'senator' is four times more likely to appear as a singular than as a plural while 'banker' is three times more likely to occur in its plural form (Francis & Kucera, 1982). 'Banker' would then have a strong association with its plural feature, while 'senator', would have a relatively weak one. In short, 'bankers' should prove more disruptive than 'senators'.

We investigated this by constructing two sentence sets: one in which the distractor nouns were on average 3 times More Common as Plurals (MCP) and one in which they were 3 times More Common as Singulars (MCS). The head nouns used were all equi-probable as singulars or plurals. A third set of sentences contained distractor nouns that were not strongly biased in either direction (Control). A sample set is displayed in Table 1.

Forty-four participants were tested on a whole sentence reading task modeled on Nicol et. al. (1997). Following Nicol et. al. (1997), a slow-down (reflecting processing difficulty) is expected in each SP condition relative to its corresponding SS condition. Regarding frequency effects, we predicted that the magnitude of slowdowns would be MCP > Control > MCS.

Table 1 illustrates that the results did not fit our predictions, as a significant effect was found only for the Control items. However, an interesting post-hoc explanation presents itself. For the MCP items, the distractor noun's association with its plural feature could be so strong that interference occurred even in the SS condition. Conversely, for the MCS items the association was so weak that little interference occurred in the SP condition. This possibility is strengthened by the fact that the MCP sentences were significantly slower than the MCS sentences overall. This explanation is plausible within an activation framework, particularly one utilizing a connectionist architecture (see Elman, 1993), and suggests that further work on the role of word frequency in number agreement is warranted.

Note 1: Eberhard's (1993) model relates specifically to production only, however, research on comprehension has indicated that the mechanisms involved appear to be similar (see Nicol et. al., 1997).

 
 


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