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Testing constraint-based and two-stage theories: Competition versus reanalysis

 Roger P. G van Gompel, Martin J. Pickering, Simon P. Liversedge and Matthew J. Traxler
  
 

Abstract:
According to two-stage theories (e.g., Frazier, 1979; 1987; Rayner et al., 1983) processing difficulty arises when an initial analysis, made on the basis of a restricted range of information, has to be reanalysed. In contrast, constraint-based theories claim that processing difficulty arises from a process of competition when two or more analyses are about equally activated by multiple constraints (MacDonald, 1994; McRae et al., 1998; Spivey-Knowlton & Sedivy, 1995; Tabor et al., 1997). In recent papers (Traxler et al., 1998; van Gompel et al., 1998), we proposed the unrestricted race model, in which multiple constraints can be used to make an initial analysis, but in which processing difficulty arises due to reanalysis rather than competition.

Experiment 1 tested sentences such as (1a-c). As indicated by plausibility pre-tests, (1a) is globally ambiguous, whereas (1b) and (1c) are semantically disambiguated as low and high attachment respectively.

(1a)     The advisor of the mayor that had been driven to the meeting had a lot of problems.
(1b)     The village of the mayor that had been driven to the meeting had a lot of problems.
(1c)     The mayor of the village that had been driven to the meeting had a lot of problems.

Reading times on the region to the meeting were longer in (1b-c) than (1a). These results are consistent with our other findings (Traxler et al., 1998; van Gompel et al., 1998). They provide support for the unrestricted race model, according to which readers initially adopt each analysis half the time, and thus have to reanalyse half the time in both (1b) and (1c). The results are inconsistent with constraint-based theories that predict competition in (1a), but not in (1b-c). The garden path theory predicts that low attachment is always initially adopted (due to late closure) and therefore, reanalysis should only have occurred in (1c).

In Experiment 1 the processor may have dropped one analysis in the ambiguous region (that had been), before the disambiguation (driven) was reached. Hence, there may have been initial competition in the ambiguous region, but when the disambiguation was reached, only one analysis was available. To test this possibility, we removed the ambiguous region in Experiment 2. The results were similar to Experiment 1: reading times on to the meeting were longer in (1b-c) than (1a). Once more, this supports the unrestricted race model, but poses problems for constraint-based theories.

References

Frazier, L. (1979). On Comprehending Sentences: Syntactic Parsing Strategies. Bloomington, IN Indiana University Linguistics Club.
Frazier, L. (1987). Sentence Processing: A Tutorial Review. In M. Coltheart (Ed.), The Psychology of Reading, Attention and Performance XII, p. 559-586. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
MacDonald, M. C. (1994). Probabilistic constraints and syntactic ambiguity resolution. Language and Cognitive Processes, 9, 157-201.
McRae, K., Spivey-Knowlton, M. J., & Tanenhaus, M. K. (1998). Modeling the influence of thematic fit (and other constraints) in on-line sentence comprehension. Journal of Memory and Language, 38, 283- 312.
Rayner, K., Carlson, M., & Frazier, L. (1983). The interaction of syntax and semantics during sentence processing: Eye movements in the analysis of semantically biased sentences. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior, 22, 358-374.
Spivey-Knowlton, M. J., & Sedivy, J. C. (1995). Resolving attachment ambiguities with multiple constraints. Cognition, 55, 227-267.
Tabor, W., Juliano, C., & Tanenhaus, M. K. (1997). Parsing in a dynamical system: An attractor-based account of the interaction of lexical and structural constraints in sentence processing. Language and Cognitive Processes, 12, 211-271.

 
 


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