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Anticipating grammatical function: Evidence from eye movements

 Gerry Altmann, Sarah Haywood and Yuki Kamide
  
 

Abstract:
It is now well established that reference to (visual world) context can be achieved in an incremental, piecemeal manner, using linguistic information to narrow down the set of available visual referents as soon as that information first becomes available. Thus, after a sequence such as 'the boy will eat the yellow cake', eye movements will be initiated towards the target cake on 'cake' if there are several yellow objects but just one is a cake; on 'yellow' if there are several cakes but just one is yellow (Eberhard et al., 1995; Sedivy et al., 1999); and on 'eat' if there are several objects but just one of them, the cake, is edible (Altmann & Kamide, 1999). In this talk, we present recent data using the same visual world paradigm (cf. Cooper, 1974) which further address anticipatory processes in language comprehension.

The studies just mentioned demonstrate that the human sentence parsing mechanism can project anticipated structures before those structures are encountered, and that it evaluates those projected structures against the (visual) context (cf. Altmann, 1999; Altmann & Kamide, 1999). However, in these cases, the parser was in each case anticipating a referring expression. In the studies we report here, we ask whether the parsing mechanism can anticipate, in effect, grammatical function. For example, according to the referential hypothesis put forward by Crain, Steedman, and Altmann (Crain & Steedman, 1985, Altmann & Steedman, 1988), if a referring expression fails to identify a unique referent, the parser will attempt to interpret subsequent material as a restrictive modifier. Thus, on hearing 'the butterfly is next to the man' in a context containing two men, the parser should interpret what follows as providing restrictive information by which to identify the intended man. In our studies, we ask whether the parser does in fact anticipate such information at 'the man'.

In Experiment 1, we presented participants with a visual scene containing two men identical except for one distinguishing characteristic (the colour of their hair, or of their briefcases). A butterfly was next to one of these men. We recorded eye movements as participants heard 'the butterfly is next to the man with the brown hair' (participants had to perform a picture-sentence verification task). We observed more movements to the distinguishing characteristic than to any other part of the scene before the offset of the noun 'man'. Of course, it could be argued that the eyes will naturally be drawn to the distinguishing characteristic because it is visually informative, in which case these early eye movements to the distinguishing part of the scene are neither anticipatory nor mediated by the language. However, in a second condition, participants heard 'the butterfly is next to a man'. In this case, the indefinite referring expression 'a man' does not necessitate the identification of a unique referent. We observed, at the offset of 'man', significantly fewer looks to the distinguishing characteristic in comparison to the definite ('the man') condition. Thus, looks to this part of the visual scene do appear to have been mediated by the definiteness of the referring expression, and the anticipation that reference would be made to restrictive information.

In Experiment 2, we controlled for various potential confounds identified in Experiment 1, which, for example, never included a postnominal modifier in the indefinite condition. Thus, Experiment 2 contained, amongst other conditions, 'the butterfly is next to the man with brown hair' and 'the butterfly is next to a man with brown hair'.

 
 


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