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Relative Clause Attachment in English and Spanish: Cross-Linguistic Similarities

 Eva Fernández and Janet Fodor
  
 

Abstract:
The relative clause attachment ambiguity in (1) is ultimately resolved in different ways cross-linguistically. Speakers of languages such as Spanish (including French, Italian, Dutch and German) tend to attach the relative clause high, to NP1, while speakers of languages such as English (including also Arabic, Norwegian, Romanian and Swedish) tend to attach low, to NP2. This observation has been confirmed in several off-line studies that use slightly different methodologies and materials. (1) Someone shot [the maid]N1 of [the actress]N2 who was on the balcony. However, languages that attach high off-line do not always exhibit such a preference in on-line studies (Italian and French: De Vincenzi & Job, 1993, 1995, Baccino et al., in press; Spanish: Gilboy & Sopena, 1993, 1996). Likewise, low attachment preferences observed off-line have not always been replicated in on-line experiments (English: Carreiras & Clifton, 1993, Henstra, 1996). Critical differences among the existing studies make comparison of the on-line data practically impossible. Two aspects are particularly prominent: segmentation and disambiguation. Presenting the complex NP in two frames (De Vincenzi & colleagues; Gilboy & Sopena) could bias attachment away from NP1. Disambiguating the attachment of the relative by relying exclusively on semantic/pragmatic information, without syntactic reflex (Carreiras & Clifton, 1993, in press; Cuetos & Mitchell, 1988), might, on the other hand, tap post-syntactic strategies. The present study compares attachment preferences in English and Spanish. The materials, created in parallel in the two languages, are ambiguous in the off-line (questionnaire) task and disambiguated syntactically by using number agreement in the on-line (self-paced reading) task, where the critical sequence, _N1 of/de N2_, is presented in one frame. This design minimizes contamination by post-syntactic reading strategies, and the segmentation prevents biasing attachment away from NP1. The questionnaire results replicate, with a new set of materials, the previous finding of cross-linguistic differences. Spanish speakers prefer to attach high while English speakers prefer to attach low. Yet while the questionnaire data support the claim of cross-linguistic differences, speakers of the two languages resemble each other a great deal in their performance on-line. Results from the self-paced reading task indicate an initial low attachment preference, in both languages. The impact of post-syntactic reading strategies is clearly evident in subjects' error rates in answering a subsequent comprehension question directed precisely at the attachment of the relative. The data here indicate that subjects in both languages are more accurate with questions about sentences where the relative clause attachment has been forced high, syntactically. The on-line behavior of Spanish and English speakers is remarkably _similar_, and appears to be guided by the same general principle: attach low, locally, to NP2. These findings are difficult to interpret under any model of sentence processing that incorporates a language-specific component in the parser. The phenomenon to be explained, therefore, is not the initial preferences of the parser (which seem to be cross-linguistically invariant) but the conditions under which the initial attachment can be shifted away from NP2. We shall present evidence that the implicit prosodic segmentation that readers impose on the Input is one determining factor in the ultimate attachment preferences.

 
 


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