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Assessing lexical processing effects in sentence comprehension: Effects of association and integration

 M. J. Traxler, D. J. Foss, R. E. Seely, B. Kaup and R. K. Morris
  
 

Abstract:
A series of experiments investigated whether spreading activation, inclusion in a schema, or integrative processing affected the speed with which words in sentences were processed. According to some accounts, readers activated precompiled schemas when processing sentences (Morris, 1994; cf. Kintsch, 1998; Schank & Abelson, 1977, Schank, 1982). Words should be processed faster when they refer to concepts activated when the schema is accessed. Alternatively, incoming words that are associated with previously mentioned concepts should be processed more rapidly because of spreading activation, irrespective of any schema-based influences (Meyer & Schvaneveldt, 1976; Seidenberg et al., 1982; Schustack et al., 1987). The facilitated integration hypothesis, by contrast, proposes that the source of priming (i.e., fast processing time relative to some baseline) observed in prior studies is based upon ease of integration with an evolving discourse representation (Hess et al., 1995; Foss, 1982; Foss & Ross, 1983; Foss & Speer, 1991; Traxler & Foss, in press). We investigated these competing hypotheses in a set of eye-tracking, self-paced reading, and naming experiments.

In the first set of experiments, we manipulated degree of association and plausibility independently, in sentences like (1): (Eye tracking Means on "spices")

1a. The cook combined the spices as she had been trained to do. 358 425
1b. The cook seasoned the spices as she had been trained to do. 350 452
1c. The woman combined the spices as she had been trained to do. 355 414
1d. The woman seasoned the spices as she had been trained to do. 365 493

If association or inclusion in a schema is the mechanism that supports priming, then we should have observed faster processing on the word "spices" in 1a relative to 1c or in 1b relative to 1d. If fast processing is based on integrative processes, then we should have observed faster processing on "spices" in 1a and 1c relative to 1b and 1d. Eye-tracking, cross-modal naming, and self-paced reading experiments all failed to show any benefit of association or inclusion in a schema, but all of the experiments showed some effect of plausibility (our operational definition for ease of integration). In the second set of experiments, we used repeated words as the targets because such words represent the highest possible degree of association. Self-paced reading data for sentences like (2) showed no benefit of association on either the target word or the following word, but did show a benefit of semantic plausibility on the following word. (Eye tracking means on 2nd "maid")

2a. The maid watched the maid in the grand mansion on the hill. 370 462
2b. The maid cleaned the maid in the grand mansion on the hill. 363 531
2c. The girl watched the maid in the grand mansion on the hill. 404 493
2d. The girl cleaned the maid in the grand mansion on the hill. 418 545

Eye-tracking data, however showed an early benefit of repetition that disappeared by the first fixation following the target word.

We conclude that lexical access is not affected by spreading activation from previously encountered associates or by inclusion in a putative schema. Further experiments are in progress that will allow us to distinguish between visual-form and repeated lexical access explanations for the early benefit of repetition in the second set of experiments.

 
 


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