MIT CogNet, The Brain Sciences ConnectionFrom the MIT Press, Link to Online Catalog
SPARC Communities
Subscriber : Stanford University Libraries » LOG IN

space

Powered By Google 
Advanced Search

 

Crosslinguistic differences in rc attachment ambiguity resolution: Construal vs. Tuning hypothesis

 Lola Oria-Merino, Gabriela V Costantino, Maren Heydel and Javier S Sainz
  
 

Abstract:
When evaluating empirical evidence on RC attachment ambiguity resolution it is not unusual to oppose "Referentially based models" (i.e. Construal (Frazier and Clifton, 1995): referential factors, specifically relativized relevance, predict N1 attachment, but in some languages, such as English, the existence of an alternative structure, the Anglosaxon genitive, together with Gricean factors ("be unambiguous") overrides this tendency, resulting in N2 attachment) against "Statistical based models" (i.e the Tuning Hypothesis: RC attachment preferences are determined by previous linguistic experience, instances of successfully disambiguated structures encountered in the past).

Dutch poses a serious problem for both of these theories: The Gricean Theory predicts a tendency to attach low (since Dutch has alternative genitive structures) but native Dutch speakers prefer to attach high (Brysbaert and Mitchell, 1996). The Tuning hypothesis, on the other hand, predicts that high attachment should predominate in Dutch corpora (since that would be the linguistic experience that "creates" the high attachment tendency in this language) but Dutch corpora (Mitchell et al., in press) studied so far have failed to show such a tendency.

However, if we take into account frequency and naturalness of alternative structures, this finding would not be such a problem for the Gricean Hypothesis: only when an alternative structure is equally natural - or unnatural - in different languages should we expect it to affect those languages evenly. To test this possibility, we run a production questionnaire in English (two possible genitives, low attachment), Spanish (one genitive, high attachment) and German (which has, like Dutch, two possible genitives, but attaches high). We used descriptions based on sentences used in Cuetos and Mitchell 1988 that could be compatible with either a high or a low attachment interpretation, and asked participants to complete a sentence. For instance:

(a) There is an actress, and she has a servant. The servant was on the balcony, and somebody shot him.
(b) There is an actress, and she has a servant. Somebody shot the servant, and the actress was on the balcony.

Somebody shot..................................................that was on the balcony

This procedure has two obvious advantages over corpus studies: first, it guaranties that participants had the same demand on producing "high" and "low" attachment sentences - and no other unexpected discourse factors, or just chance, were responsible for the pattern found in corpus studies. Second, it allowed us to study the effective use of possible alternative structures in the three languages.

The pattern we obtained resembled that found in corpus studies when attending just to the distribution of Norman genitives: a very slight tendency towards high attachment in Spanish, and low attachment for German and English.

However, when the data was considered as a whole, German and Spanish behaved very similarly, and very differently than English: both groups of participants preferred Norman genitives to express high and low attachment, whereas English speakers used Anglosaxon genitives for high attachment situations and Norman genitives for low attachment situations. We claim that our data not only gives support to a referentially based explanation of crosslinguistic differences in RC attachment, but suggests that Gricean factors can explain at least partly the frequency distribution on the basis of the Tuning Hypothesis as well as the mismatch between Dutch corpus and comprehension data.

Brysbaert, M., & Mitchell, D.C. (1996). Modifier attachment in sentence parsing: Evidence from Dutch. Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 49A, 664-695.

 
 


© 2010 The MIT Press
MIT Logo