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How and when do we change analysis? Structure preservation and preferences in second analysis

 Patrick Sturt, Christoph Scheepers and Martin Pickering
  
 

Abstract:
A model of sentence processing needs an account of the processes involved in changing from one analysis of an ambiguity to another. This abstract describes two self-paced reading experiments which investigate these processes, contrasting with most other recent work in this area, which examines the difficulty of different types of reanalysis (Pritchett, 1992, Sturt et al 1999). Consider (1a):

1a. The movie man who discovered the actress was always injecting herself/himself with drugs from Afghanistan......

At `was', the attachment of `the actress' as the object of `discovered' can be reanalysed (low attachment, consistent with the `herself' continuation), or alternatively the initial attachment can be maintained, with `was' being attached as the main verb (high attachment, consistent with the `himself' continuation). Previous work (Schneider & Phillips; Sturt et al, CUNY 1999) has shown that the processor prefers high attachment, which does not involve reanalysis.

We examined two alternative explanations of this preference. The preference could be the result of the processor avoiding reanalysis, and following a structure preservation principle (e.g. `Reanalysis as Last Resort', Fodor and Frazier, 1978). Alternatively, a length-based account could explain these results if the processor assumes that the main clause subject is as short as possible, and therefore avoids the long and ungainly main clause subject produced by low attachment (cf. Hawkins, 1991, 1995).

In experiment 1, we crossed high vs. low disambiguation (himself/herself) with length of the main clause subject (presence vs. absence of the string bracketed in 1b):

1b. The movie man who discovered the actress [of the historical drama] was always injecting himself/herself with drugs from Afghanistan......

If reluctance to attach low increases with length, the high attachment preference should be increased in the long conditions. However, length had no effect on the size of the high attachment preference. Rather, it influenced the time course of the effect. While the short conditions showed an immediate effect at disambiguation (himself < herself), the long conditions only exhibited this effect in the following region (`with drugs'). Additionally, regions following `was...' showed a reading time advantage for the long conditions, contra length-based theories of integration difficulty (cf. Gibson, 1998). Hence the high attachment preference appears to be due to structure preservation rather than length.

In experiment 2, we tested modified sentences like (1c), where structure-preserving theories make a contrasting prediction:

1c. The tourists noticed the movie man who discovered the actress was always injecting herself/himself with drugs from Afghanistan.

Here, both high (the movie man was...) and low (the actress was...) attachments of `was' involve reanalysis. As reanalysis is unavoidable, structure preserving principles do not apply. Instead, Sturt and Crocker (1996) claim that the choice of reanalysis should follow recency, a standard attachment principle. This prediction was confirmed; in the experiment (which also included unambiguous controls using `that' complementizers), we found a low attachment preference at the post- disambiguating region (`with drugs'), contrasting with the high attachment preference found in (1b). This contrast was confirmed by a between-experiments ANOVA comparing the relevant conditions of (1b) and (1c), which established a reliable Experiment * Attachment interaction. To conclude, the parser seems to preserve structure when it can, and otherwise follows standard ambiguity resolution principles, like recency, when reanalysis is unavoidable.

 
 


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