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Prosodic Boundaries in Adjunct Attachment

 Katy Carlson, Charles Clifton Jr. and Lyn Frazier
  
 

Abstract:
Prosodic boundaries can bias or disambiguate the interpretation of constituent structure ambiguities. Four studies explored the processing of ambiguous sentences like Susie learned that Bill telephoned after John visited to determine why particular prosodic boundaries have the effects they do. They manipulated the prosodic boundary between the matrix clause and its complement and the boundary before the adjunct clause after John visited. They disconfirm an account where only the local boundary before the adjunct (the 'late boundary') is important. Instead they support the use of global prosodic context, crucially the relative size of the local boundary before the adjunct and the boundary preceding the complement clause (that Bill telephoned), the 'early boundary.'

Consider an account in which only the acoustic magnitude of the boundary preceding the adjunct clause matters. On this hypothesis, a physically larger late boundary should increase high attachment interpretations. Experiment 1 manipulated the acoustically-defined size of the break before the adjunct. Results disconfirmed this hypothesis. Experiments 2-3 tested an account in which only the phonological category of the late boundary matters. On this account, an Intonational Phrase (IP) late boundary should result in more high attachments than an ip (lacking a boundary tone) or no boundary, regardless of the type of the early boundary. Experiment 2 tested three conditions that had early IP boundaries and IP, ip, or no late boundary, and one condition that had ip boundaries at both positions. The IP-ip and IP-0 conditions, in which the late boundary was phonologically smaller than the early boundary, showed significantly fewer high attachments than the IP-IP and ip-ip conditions, in which the boundaries were equal at the two positions. The identity of the late boundary did not matter except in relation to the early boundary. Experiment 3 compared conditions with a larger late boundary than early boundary to a condition with equal ip boundaries at both positions. High attachments were less frequent in the condition with equal boundaries than in the three conditions with larger late boundaries (ip-IP, 0-IP, 0-ip). These results disconfirm the claim that IP or ip boundaries before the adjunct clause will have invariant effects on interpretation, and thus that this local boundary is the only important factor. Experiment 4 reinforced these conclusions.

By itself, the presence or size of a particular prosodic boundary before the adjunct clause did not affect interpretation. Instead, the interpretation of this local prosodic boundary depended on its phonological size relative to other prosodic boundaries in the sentence. If the largest prosodic boundary preceded the adjunct, then high attachments increased. Why should the relative size of prosodic boundaries in a sentence matter? We suggest that listeners assume that speakers are rational: they will not prosodically mark one break as larger than another if they intend an interpretation where the smaller break corresponds to the larger syntacticboundary.

 
 


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