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An Event-Related fMRI Study of Syntactic and Semantic Violations

 Aaron Newman, Roumyana Izvorski, Kaori Ozawa, Helen Neville and Michael T. Ullman
  
 

Abstract:
Event Related Potential (ERP) studies have linked syntactic and semantic violations to distinct electrophysiological correlates. Violations of syntactic phrase-structure are associated with an early left anterior negativity (LAN) and a central positivity (P600), whereas conceptual-semantic violations lead to a central negativity (N400) (e.g., Neville, Nicol, Barss, Forster, & Garrett, 1991). Intracranial electrode and magnetoencephalographic studies suggest left temporal-lobe generator(s) for the N400 (Nobre, Allison, & McCarthy, 1994; Simos, Basile, & Papanicolaou, 1997). However, these techniques have not yet succeeded in identifying sources for the LAN or P600.

We examined the temporal and spatial neural correlates of phrase-structure and conceptual-semantic violations (after Neville et al., 1991) in an Event-Related fMRI study. Eight right-handed male subjects were scanned using a 1.5T Siemens Vision MR scanner (TR = 3 sec; TE = 40 msec; voxel size = 5x5x5 mm; 27 axial slices) while they read randomly-ordered sentences with and without conceptual-semantic violations (32 sentences with and 32 without violations; e.g., "The Queen rewarded Hubert's {harmony/loyalty} to the Crown.") or phrase-structure violations (32 sentences with and 32 without violations; e.g., "The students heard Daniel's {about lecture/lecture about} the planets."). Sentences were presented sequentially, one word at a time (SOA = 500 msec). The (violation or control) target word occurred in a consistent position within each type of sentence. One second after the end of each sentence, subjects were prompted to indicate with a button-press whether it was a good or bad English sentence. The time lag between sentences was 12 seconds, to minimize the overlap of hemodynamic responses to violations in consecutive sentences. The fMRI time series data were analyzed using multiple regression. The contrast examined was designed to be similar to the "difference wave" technique traditionally used in analyses of ERP sentence violation experiments. The time course of the canonical sentences was subtracted from that of the violation condition. These differences were examined at two different time lags (6 and 9 seconds), relative to the target words of each sentence.

Initial analyses focused on left prefrontal and left temporal-lobe regions. In left prefrontal regions, the hemodynamic response associated with phrase-structure violations peaked and diminished earlier than the activation pattern associated with semantic violations. Left temporal-lobe regions showed similar time courses for both conditions, but higher activation levels for the semantic condition.

The data indicate that distinct spatio-temporal patterns of neural activation are associated with syntactic phrase-structure and conceptual-semantic violations. The finding that activation in left prefrontal cortex peaked earlier in the syntactic than the semantic condition is consistent both with the hypothesis that syntactic processing is fast and automatic (Fodor, 1983), and with the finding that the LAN associated with phrase-structure violations temporally precedes the N400 associated with conceptual-semantic violations (Neville et al., 1991). In addition, the greater left temporal-lobe activation levels in the semantic than the syntactic condition are consistent with N400 localization claims of previous intracranial electrode and magnetoencephalographic investigations. The preliminary findings thus support the hypothesis that syntactic and conceptual-semantic processes have distinct temporal and spatial neural correlates.

Fodor, J. A. (1983). The modularity of mind: An essay on faculty psychology. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
Neville, H., Nicol, J. L., Barss, A., Forster, K. I., & Garrett, M. F. (1991). Syntactically based sentence processing classes: Evidence from event-related brain potentials. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 3(2), 151-165.

 
 


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