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More Evidence Of Implicit Prosody In Reading: French And Arabic Relative Clauses

 Deirdre Quinn, Hala Abdelghany and Janet Dean Fodor
  
 

Abstract:
Bader (1998) and Fodor (1998) have proposed that prosodic forces apply even in silent reading. For first-pass parsing we formulate this as the Implicit Prosody Hypothesis (IPH):

IPH: In silent reading, a default prosodic contour is projected, and it may influence ambiguity resolution. Other things being equal, the parser prefers the analysis associated with the most natural prosodic contour for the construction.

There are results bearing on Fodor's Same-Size-Sister principle, which concerns preferred positions of prosodic phrase boundaries depending on constituent lengths. RC-length effects on attachment choices in reading are reported by Pynte (1998), Fernandez & Bradley (1999), Hirose (1999), Walter et al. (1999). But if the IPH is true, not only prosodic phrasing but also (other) differences in intonation contours could affect silent reading. Bader demonstrated this for garden-path reanalysis. We make a case for it in first-pass parsing of RC-attachment ambiguities in Standard Arabic and French.

French shows a clear high-attachment tendency (for long RCs; Pynte & Colonna, 1999). Arabic judgments show mild low attachment (Abdelghany & Fodor, 1999). Thus the IPH predicts that the prosody of French complex NPs is such as to favor attachment to N1, while the prosody of Arabic is of a kind more likely to favor attachment to N2. Since prosodic principles are not universal, it is a matter of speculation what these favoring contours would be. We have borrowed an idea from a study of English by Schafer et al. (1996), and the results suggest this measure is not inappropriate. Schafer et al. (also Maynell, 1999) manipulated the relative prominence of N1 and N2 in explicit prosody in complex NPs. They found more high RC-attachment (to N1) when N1 had a H* pitch accent than when N2 did. Based on this work, we examined the F0 values of N1 and N2 in sentences disambiguated for high/low attachment, read by naïve native speakers, first silently for comprehension, then aloud.

Testing the IPH requires establishing the 'unmarked' prosody for a construction. This is not an easy matter, particularly for ambiguous constructions. We were helped by the discovery that in both languages, the F0 difference between N1 and N2 is in the same direction whether the sentence is disambiguated to high or low attachment. Though data analysis is not complete, we have found highly consistent effects. In French there is a mean drop of 35 Hz from the accented vowel of N1 to that of N2. In Arabic there is a mean rise of just 3 Hz. In Arabic the slight rise held across long/short RCs, and high/low attachment. French showed a 10 Hz effect of length (40 vs 30) and a 21 Hz effect of high/low attachment (45 vs 24). It appears that each language has its preferred contour (falling or flat), relatively resistant to meaning. If this preferred contour is assigned to ambiguous sentences in silent reading, then the difference in N1 salience across languages could explain their different attachment tendencies. It will be of interest to test more languages in future, to determine how much of the cross-linguistic variance can be accounted for on this basis.

 
 


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