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Use of accent during reference resolution in spoken-language Comprehension

 Michael K. Tanenhaus, Delphine Dahan and Craig Chambers
  
 

Abstract:
Prosodic information helps mark the information structure of an utterance. For example, new information is typically accented and old information deaccented. Listeners are clearly sensitive to this information during comprehension: Comprehension is slowed by an accentuation pattern inappropriate for the focus requirements of an utterance in context (e.g., Birch & Clifton, 1995; Bock & Mazzella, 1983). It has been proposed that listeners interpret an accented word as introducing a new discourse entity and a deaccented word as anaphoric (Bard, Cooper, Kowtko, & Brew, 1991; Terken & Nooteboom, 1987). However, to our knowledge, it has not yet been established whether listeners actually use accent to help circumscribe referential domains.

We monitored eye movements as participants followed spoken instructions to move objects on a computer screen. On some trials, two of the four objects shared phonological similarity at onset ("cohort" competitors, e.g., bell and bed). Fixations to potential lexical competitors were used to determine which potential referents were considered when listeners encountered an accented or deaccented noun. Each trial contained two instructions. The first referred to one of the phonologically similar pictures. The second could refer to the same object (anaphoric condition, e.g., put the bell above the triangle [...] now put the bell below the circle), or to another object (nonanaphoric condition, e.g., put the bed above the triangle [...] now put the bell below the circle). The accentual structure of the second instruction was varied, with a pitch accent either on the target noun (e.g., now put the BELL below the circle), or on the preposition following the noun (e.g., now put the bell BELOW the circle), resulting in a deaccented noun.

As the second instruction unfolded, participants tended to initially fixate pictures other than the referent picture of the first instruction (i.e., the two distractors and the cohort competitor in the anaphoric conditions, the distractors and the target in the nonanaphoric conditions). In the anaphoric conditions, fixations to the cohort competitor--a "new" entity in the discourse--quickly dropped as the target word unfolded when it was deaccented, whereas fixations remained high when it was accented. Conversely, in the nonanaphoric conditions, few fixations to the cohort competitor--an "old" entity--were observed when the target word was accented, whereas fixations increased as the target word unfolded when it was deaccented. This pattern of lexical competition demonstrates that listeners interpret accented nouns as introducing new entities and deaccented nouns as anaphoric. Accent is thus used to circumscribe the set of referential candidates considered by the listener.

 
 


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