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How Interpretation Of German Negation Is Affected By Verb Lexical Semantics

 Kai Zimmermann and Irina Sekerina
  
 

Abstract:
The canonical word order for German sentential negation is Object-Before-Negator (1):

(1) weil er den Rasen nicht betrachtete.
because he the lawn not looked at

Hauptmann (1993) argues that when the negator NICHT precedes the object, the sentence is unambiguous and must be interpreted as constituent negation, a fact which is due to the structural position of the functional phrase NegP:

(2) weil er nicht den Rasen betrachtete, sondern das Haus
because he not the lawn looked at but the house

Zimmermann and Stromswold (1999) argue against this analysis and against the existence of NegP. They show that the negator in (2) is an adjunct which can adjoin to the object-NP or to VP making a sentential negation interpetation possible although less preferred. Moreover, it should be possible to override the constituent negation bias by manipulating the verb lexical semantics (3):

(3) weil er nicht den Rasen maehte, sondern heimging.
because he not the lawn mowed but went home

The constituent negation interpretation is dispreferred because people don't ever mow things other than lawns.

We have tested this prediction in two off-line experiments in which we manipulated the verb lexical semantics, e.g., (2) vs. (3). In Experiment 1, 16 German subjects completed the sentence fragments of the type (2) and (3) in which they were supposed to fill in the rejoinder fragment (sondern ___________). If Z&S's hypothesis is correct, then subjects should complete (3) with a VP-continuation and (2) with a NP-continuation. This will be evidence that not only the sentential negation interpretation of the Negator-Before-Object sentences is possible but it can be preferred due to verb lexical bias. The results of Experiment 1 confirmed the Z&S analysis: the VP-completions for fragments (3) were significantly higher (77%) than for fragments (2) (49%), F1(1,14)=18,92, p=.001.

In Experiment 2, 30 subjects rated the acceptability of completed sentences like (2) and (3), as well as (2) completed with a VP. We predicted that there should be a hierarchy of ratings, from the most acceptable to the least acceptable: (2) sondern_NP >> (3) >= (2) sondern_VP

Type (2) sondern_NP should be rated the highest because both verb semantics and word order favor the constituent negation interpretation. The (2) sondern_VP should be rated lower or the same as (3) depending on which cue, the verb lexical bias or the word order, is stronger. The results of Experiment 2 confirmed these predictions (4.3 vs. 3.3 vs. 3.2, on the scale from 0 to 5).

Taken together, the results of Experiments 1 and 2 show that Type (2) sentences are initially interpreted as constituent negation, but if the verb lexical bias forces the sentential negation interpretation, as in Type (3) sentences, a successful reanalysis occurs, makiing the full sentence acceptable as a sentence in which reanalysis was not necessary (Type (3)). A self-paced reading experiment is in progress which is designed to pinpoint the exact location of reanalysis and will allow us to compare the Garden-Path theory (increased RTs on the VP-continuation in (2) sondern_VP and in (3)) andthe Constraint-Based theory (increased RTs on the main verb).

 
 


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