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Reconciling Morphosyntactic Abilities in Williams Syndrome

 Andrea Zukowski
  
 

Abstract:
Williams Syndrome (WS) is a genetic disorder resulting in moderate retardation, but surprisingly good language abilities, a dissociation widely cited in arguments for language modularity. Karmiloff-Smith et al. (1997) have questioned the validity of WS as evidence for modularity, based in part on gender agreement errors in French WS adolescents. This contrasts with excellent WS performance with other morphosyntactic rules (Bromberg et al., 1994; Clahsen et al., 1999). We believe the French results may have reflected well-documented lexical retrieval problems in WS. We report an elicited production study (based on Gordon, 1985) examining one aspect of morphosyntactic knowledge which does not depend on retrieval. 12 WS children (age 8-16) and 12 mental-age-matched control children (age 4-7) were prompted to produce nouns in three forms: singular (rat, foot), plural (rats, feet), and inside a compound (rat-eater, foot-eater). The WS children almost never produced illicit compounds like "rats-eater", but correctly allowed compounds like "mice-eater" (5% vs. 59%). Controls performed equivalently. This contrasts sharply with the performance of Specific Language Impaired (SLI) children (van der Lely and Christian, 2000), who produced "rats-eater" violations 35% of the time. This pattern belies the results from a standardized comprehension test often cited as evidence for WS language impairment-our WS children scored 2 years younger in age equivalence than the SLI children. The collective results support the view that the computational system of language is selectively spared in WS.

 
 


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