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Abstract:
Event-related potentials were recorded to test the hypothesis
of Sag and Hankamer (1984) that ellipses and model-interpretative
anaphors (i.e., pronouns and repeated proper names) have a
different psycholinguistic status. In two studies 41 students read
sentences in which the distance between the one or the other type
of anaphor and its antecedent was either near or far. ERPs were
recorded from 61 electrodes. Comparing the far with the near
distance condition revealed anaphor resolution specific effects:
Ellipses triggered a potential shift with a comparably short
latency (~120-200 ms) and with a fronto-central scalp distribution
while model-interpretative anaphors (pronouns as well as repeated
proper names) triggered one with a longer latency (~360-440 ms) and
a parietal to right-occipital distribution. The early effect
resembled the left-anterior negativity (LAN) which has been related
to syntax processing, while the latter resembled an N400 which
reflects semantic integration processes. These findings support the
idea that ellipses and model-interpretative anaphors are processed
by distinct mechanisms being implemented in distinct cortical cell
assemblies.
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